In
pursuing democratic reforms, Myanmar may take a leaf from the
experience of the Philippines’ difficult transition from
authoritarianism to democracy. But as demonstrated by the Philippine
case, democracy alone cannot address all the challenges besetting
Myanmar.
By Julius Cesar I. Trajano
Philippine President
Benigno Aquino III offered his government’s assistance in Myanmar’s
democratisation during the visit of Myanmar’s Foreign Minister Wunna
Maung Lwin on 14-15 June 2012. Aquino related to him the Philippines’
democratic transition and pledged Filipinos’ readiness to share their
experience.
The
Philippines was once one of the harshest critics of Myanmar’s human
rights record. Filipino human rights officials plan to visit Napyidaw to
train their counterparts in the recently-established Myanmar human
rights commission. Indeed, Myanmar can draw some valuable lessons from
the strengths and shortcomings of the Philippines’ democratisation.
Military’s involvement in politics
During
the authoritarian rule of Ferdinand Marcos (1972-86), military officers
were deeply embedded in politics; they were appointed to many civilian
posts in government agencies; and were involved in rigged elections and
suppressing anti-dictatorship movements.
The restoration of
democracy after the 1986 People Power Revolution did not stop some
factions in the military from conspiring to seize political power and/or
influence political decisions from outside the democratic institutions.
Rebel soldiers launched seven coup attempts during the term of
President Corazon Aquino (1986-92). During the presidency of Gloria
Arroyo (2001-10), two instances of military mutiny were staged against
her by a faction of junior officers denouncing corruption in the
military and demanding reforms.
The Philippines’ democratisation
process had a hard task putting the military under effective civilian
control. Moreover, many self-serving politicians used some factions in
the military to cause political destabilisation in
democratically-elected presidencies, highlighting the failure to bring
political nonpartisanship to the military.
In Myanmar President
Thein Sein’s political reforms could still be undermined given the wide
political power that the military still has. Immediately before Aung San
Suu Kyi and her partymates took their parliamentary oath in May, the
military filled its 25% membership quota in the parliament with
high-ranking officers in order to bolster its influence in legislation.
In order to prevent any military coup like what happened in post-1986
Philippines, Myanmar needs to steadily establish civilian control over
the military, take over its businesses and begin professionalising its
ranks.
Despite pronouncements about political and economic
reforms, President Thein Sein has never talked about military
self-financing. Aside from its bloated budget, the military also sources
its funds from the revenues of its conglomerates: the Union of Myanmar
Economic Holdings and the Myanmar Economic Corp. Myanmar’s oil export
revenues reached US$2.9 billion last year which were deposited to
off-shore bank accounts owned by the military. It will be hard for the
civilian government to control the military if the latter has its own
sources of funds.
Upholding human rights
Upholding the
rights of all ethnic groups is crucial for national reconciliation and
political stability. However, there is no guarantee that human rights
are protected until an independent and effective judiciary is in place
in the country. Myanmar needs to look at the not-so-good human rights
record of the Philippines in order to realise the importance of
strengthening an impartial judiciary and prosecuting violators.
Despite
the introduction of democratic reforms human rights violations continue
to be reported in Myanmar. In the first 14 months of the Thein Sein
presidency NGOs recorded 85 cases of torture, 59 cases of forced labour
and 114 cases of confiscation or destruction of property. Most of the
abuses are related to the continuing armed conflicts in some parts of
the country, the most recent ones in Kachin and Rakhine states.
In
the Philippines, despite President Aquino’s promise of reforms,
extrajudicial killings of journalists and political activists, allegedly
committed by state security forces, continue to threaten human rights.
Upon his assumption of office in 2010, he inherited 150 unresolved cases
of politically-motivated killings, while more than 10 cases occurred
under his watch. Among the challenges in the prosecution of human rights
cases are the reluctance of the Philippine military to cooperate in
investigations and weak judiciary and law enforcement agencies.
Expanding the role of civil society
While
the Philippines’ democratisation suffered shortcomings in important
reform areas, a thriving civil society has been regarded as the
country’s biggest democratic achievement which can be emulated by
Myanmar. NGOs have been deeply involved in providing public goods such
as housing, education, health care, environment protection, and
combating corruption, among others. In developing countries like the
Philippines, civil society assumes the role of helping the state in
providing basic and social services. This can be adopted in Myanmar,
given the bureaucratic and financial limitations faced by its government
in improving the country’s economic and human development.
Under
the Thein Sein administration, Myanmar’s civil society remains
vulnerable to government control. Bound by the Law of Founding an
Organisation, NGOs face restrictions in the registration process such as
the prohibition on them to be involved in politics and advocate for
good governance; the steep registration fee of US$600, and regular
submissions to the government on their activities and finances. Hence,
many local NGOs are not registered with the government. By the end of
2011, around 280 NGOs had registered, out of the estimated total of
20,000 NGOs in the country. The challenge now for the Thein Sein
administration is to allow local NGOs to operate independently from the
government and constructively participate in political affairs by easing
the stringent requirements for NGO registration.
While Myanmar
may take a completely different path in pursuing democratisation, there
are still ample opportunities for the Burmese people to learn from the
shortcomings and potentials of Philippine democracy. As seen in the case
of the Philippines, democracy alone is not a silver bullet that will
solve all political, economic and social ills. Democratic reforms must
be complemented with transparency, accountability and good governance.