Monday, April 30, 2012

PAF is Ordering a Number of Brand New Aircraft this Year

The orders  include 12 LIFT jets, eight light transports, three medium transports and attack helicopters. (photo : sires9094)

PAF buying new trainer jets

MANILA, Philippines—The Philippine Air Force (PAF) is ordering this year a number of brand new aircraft.
These include 12 lead-in fighter trainer jets, eight light transports, three medium transports and attack helicopters.
The PAF said the order is among 38 contracts that the air branch of the Armed Forces of the Philippines will sign this year. Delivery of the aircraft is expected in two years.
“Within the year we expect to sign contracts. We have 38 projects lined up, foremost of which is the FAA lead-in fighter trainer or LIFT. We have attack helicopters coming, light transports and medium transports that are slightly smaller than the C-130 cargo plane” currently in use, PAF spokesperson Col. Miguel Okol said.
“They have been approved by the senior leadership (of the Department of National Defense),” he added.
He said the rest of the 38 contracts were still being finalized.
From being one of the best in Southeast Asia during the 1960s, the Air Force fleet gradually deteriorated and became obsolete without being replaced, leaving the country with no external defense capability.

To upgrade the entire military’s capabilities, the DND and AFP are working to fast-track the approval by July this year of a total of 138 contracts.
The contracts, mostly aimed at boosting badly depleted air and naval assets, would be implemented for the duration of the Aquino administration.

Sunday, April 29, 2012

Thailand-China to Jointly Develop MLRS with a Guidance System

Thailand and China have agreed to jointly develop multiple rocket launchers with a guidance system as part of a move to strengthen military ties.
The two sides reached the agreement during a visit to China by the Thai military top brass in what was described by Defence Minister Sukumpol Suwanatat as a call by "the whole family" to China which is "our close relative".
It is the first time in 15 years that a defence minister has led all key military leaders ranging from the defence permanent secretary, supreme commander and armed forces chiefs to meet Chinese senior military officers, led by National Defence Minister Gen Liang Guanglie.
Under the new agreement, the Thai Defence Technology Institute will work with China to develop new multiple rocket launchers called "DTI-1G [Guided]" which will be more accurate and have a greater range than existing systems, said ACM Sukumpol after the meeting.
Multiple rocket launchers are known for their devastating capabilities and ability to deliver a large amount of ordinance simultaneously, but are not recognised for precision because they are not usually equipped with a guidance system.
In an earlier joint deal, Thailand and China developed the DTI-1 system, which had a range of between 60 and 180km, but it lacked accuracy.
The new DTI-1G project will last three years and will be funded under a 1.5-billion-baht budget, ACM Sukumpol said.
Gen Liang also told the delegation that if Thailand wants to buy weapons from China, it will be willing to sell them at "friendly prices", ACM Sukumpol quoted Gen Liang as saying."The price of Chinese weaponry has increased greatly recently. Arms are not as cheap as before so we will have to consider this carefully," ACM Sukumpol said.
As well as technological cooperation, the Thai and Chinese defence ministries have also agreed to hold a joint military exercise involving their air forces for the first time.
"We will need to discuss more details of this because Thailand and China have different military doctrines in the aviation area," ACM Sukumpol said.
So far the two countries have held joint military drills involving the army's special warfare units and the navy's marine corps.

Russia Order More S-300 SAM Missile

The Russian Defense Ministry has resumed large-scale procurements of modernized S-300V surface-to-air missile systems, the manufacturer said on Saturday.
“The State Defense Order through 2020 provides for significant volumes of procurement of modernized S-300V air defense systems,” Almaz-Antei’s general director Vladislav Menshchikov said.
Almaz-Antei’s former design bureau chief Igor Ashurbeili previously said S-300 production for the needs of the Russian military had stopped and that there were only export contracts.
However, in early March the Defense Ministry signed a three-year deal with Almaz-Antei for delivery of S-300V4 air defense missile systems.
The S-300 system is a family of long-range air defense missile systems capable of engaging all types of airborne targets including UAVs, helicopters and planes, as well as ballistic and cruise missiles.

Saturday, April 28, 2012

Why SpotterRF Saves Lives

Good for defensive warfare at fixed outposts in the countryside. Give troops advance warning before they are engage by AK 47s and RPGs

Shahzain Bugti Admits He Smuggled Military-Grade Weapons From Afghanistan

A politician smuggles landmines and anti-aircraft guns from Afghanistan. His cousin runs a terror group protected by foreign governments. Are politicians and political parties allowed to do this in a democracy or is it time to correct these flawed practices in Pakistan?

A video has surfaced that shows politician Shahzain Bugti telling the police he smuggled sophisticated military-grade weapons into Pakistan hours after misleading the media by saying the weapons were planted in his convoy.

The video was recorded by cellphone at around noon on Dec. 22, 2011.  Bugti is shown sitting on a sofa in what appears to be the office of a police official, telling the men in the room he did smuggle the weapons, including anti-aircraft guns and landmines. He also admits he lied to the media, claiming the weapons were planted in his convoy that traveled from the Afghan border to the outskirts of the provincial capital Quetta where Bugti was caught.

The video was filmed a few hours after Bugti was arrested at dawn, around 0430 hours, trying to smuggle lethal weapons in a convoy of sixteen cars. Tipped off by Pakistani intelligence, the Frontier Corp stopped Bugti’s convoy at Quetta’s entrance. The FC, treating Bugti with respect as a politician, negotiated with him for three hours to grant permission to check the convoy. Finally, the police and FC searched the cars and netted a dazzling list of weapons.

The weapons included:

50 Sub Machine Guns [SMGs]
4 Light Machine Guns [LMGs]
2 12.7mm Anti-Aircraft guns [See here]
2 14.2 mm Anti-Aircraft guns
1 SPG-9 [See details here]
1 9mm pistol
1 AUG assault rifle [See here]
46,000 rounds of SMG
1,600 rounds of 12.7/14.5
570 rounds of AUG
880 rounds of sniper rifle
39 rounds of 9mm pistol
17 mobile phones
Anti-personnel landmines
16 vehicles

Shahzain is the son of Tala Bugti, the chairman of the Jamhooro Watan Party, or JWP, and a grandson of Akbar Bugti.

Akbar launched an armed rebellion against the state in January 2005, unleashing a private army laced with sophisticated weapons smuggled from Afghanistan. He committed suicide in late 2006 inside a cave to avoid capture by soldiers who came to arrest him. He is known to have worked with the intelligence services of three countries operating in Afghanistan to help break Balochistan away from the rest of the country.

For this purpose, Bugti and his foreign backers revived a terror group called BLA, or Balochistan Liberation Army. The terror outfit was first created by India and the Soviet Union in the 1970s to carry out bombings in Pakistan.  The group was re-launched after the United States landed in Afghanistan as a joint operation involving Indians, the CIA and Afghan warlords.

The BLA is led by Brahamdagh Bugti, Akbar’s grandson and Shazain’s cousin, who has been hiding in Kabul for several years, protected by CIA and Afghan intelligence.

Brahamdagh’s cover was blown in early 2009 after his terror group kidnapped a UN official in Quetta who turned out to be a US citizen.

Several local Baloch supporters of Brahamdagh broke away from their boss and cooperated with Pakistani authorities in blowing his cover. [The episode was an embarrassment for CIA and opened the eyes of other parts of US government to what their main spy agency was doing in Afghanistan.]

Instead of handing him over to Pakistani authorities, the CIA negotiated an asylum deal for Brahamdagh in Switzerland, to keep him there as a tool to blackmail Pakistan.

In March 2012, Pakistan has warned Britain and Switzerland over their roles in supporting terror in Pakistan by giving asylum to BLA terror chiefs who orchestrate bombings that kill innocent citizens.

Unfortunately, the Balochistan High Court released Shahzain Bugti in January despite the huge cache of weapons that indicate Shahzain’s intent to wage war against his country and people in cohorts with foreign powers in Afghanistan. But the Supreme Court intervened and cancelled his bail on April 4. Despite this, Shahzain refused to appear before the court. The court waited for him for three weeks before finally issuing his arrest warrant over the weekend.

The case raises serious questions about federal government’s practice of giving tribal chiefs like Shahzain and his family millions of dollars of gas royalties instead of directly spending them on the impoverished people of the province. Tribal chiefs like Shahzain spend the money on building private properties abroad and recruiting and arming private armies that indulge in abduction of businessmen for ransom and killing citizens.

The case also raises questions about the involvement of almost all Pakistani political parties in creating and running private armies, in direct violation of the Political Parties Act and the laws. The State is yet to ban or disarm any of these parties.

Pakistani investigators should probe the role of BLA and its secret supporters like Shahzain Bugti in smuggling advanced weapons from Afghanistan to Karachi, where three armed ‘political parties’ are holding the country’s business hub hostage for years.

Friday, April 27, 2012

Cruise missiles in the Asia-Pacific region

Byline: Guy Martin / Johannesburg
Over a dozen Asian nations have cruise missiles in their inventories and several of them - notably China, India, Taiwan and Pakistan - have indigenous production capabilities. Although many nations possess anti-ship cruise missiles similar to the US Harpoon, a growing number are fielding advanced land attack systems.
Cruise missiles give countries political and military influence disproportionate to their size. Indeed, cruise missiles are no longer the domain of the great powers and the proliferation of them is something many analysts consider to be more of a concern than the proliferation of ballistic missiles, due to their affordability, relative ease of use, availability and accuracy. Cruise missiles require less maintenance and operator training than aircraft and are comparatively cheap and reliable. Because of their relatively small size, they can be launched from a wide variety of platforms – even shipping containers. It is therefore not surprising that the number of cruise missiles in the Asia-Pacific region is on the rise. Proliferation is being hastened by the regional tensions between India and Pakistan, China and Taiwan and North and South Korea.


India has long been a client for Soviet weapon systems and has several Russian-made cruise missiles in its inventory, such as the Kh-35 Uran/3M-24 (SS-N-25 Switchblade), Kh-31 (AS-17 Krypton) and 3M-54 Club (SS-N-27 Sizzler). India has also partnered with Russia to jointly develop and produce the export version of the SS-N-26 (3M55 Oniks/Yakhont), resulting in the PJ-10 or Brahmos. In 1998 Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyeniya and India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) created the Brahmos Aerospace joint venture to develop the weapon.
Brahmos is launched with a rocket engine and is then powered by a ramjet, giving it a top speed of Mach 2.8. The 3.9 ton, 8.4 metre long missile can fly as low as 10 metres above the surface and is armed with a 200 kg warhead for the ship/land-based variant and a 300 kg warhead for the air-launched version. Brahmos has a range of 290 km, which was imposed to comply with Missile Technology Control Regime restrictions, to which Russia is a signatory.
Brahmos was first test fired in June 2001. India is busy trialling improved versions of the missile with better guidance systems and software, and recently fired a steep dive Block III version (for use in mountainous terrain) from a transporter erector launcher at the end of March. The air- and submarine-launched versions of the missile are in development, with an underwater launch scheduled for later this year.
The Indian Navy inducted the system in 2005 aboard the INS Rajput, while the Army introduced the Block I missile in June 2007. Brahmos is now fully operational with two regiments of the Indian Army, while another regiment will soon accept the weapon for deployment along the border with China in Arunachal Pradesh. India has plans to install Brahmos on a number of platforms, including Rajput destroyers, Kolkata destroyers, Shivalik frigates, Talwar frigates, Kilo submarines, Il-38SD and Tu-142M maritime patrol aircraft and Su-30MKI fighters. India is expected to receive around a thousand Brahmos missiles over the next decade while another thousand will be exported.
Russia and India are working on a follow-on to the Brahmos. The Brahmos 2 will be able to fly faster than Mach 5, making it the fastest cruise missile in the world. It will be very similar in size and shape to the first generation and is intended to be compatible with those launchers. It is estimated that it will only be around five years before the missile is produced, when it will arm India’s future destroyers and frigates.
For more than five years the DRDO has been developing the Nirbhay long range cruise missile, which will be available in ground-, submarine- and air-launched versions and carry a payload of around 450 kg. Launch is via a rocket, with a turbojet providing subsonic delivery to the target. Range of the INS/GPS-guided weapon is estimated to be around 800-1 000 km. Nirbhay will complement the shorter range Brahmos. Testing is expected to commence early this year.


Across the border, Pakistan has, with Chinese help, obtained a stockpile of nuclear-capable Hatf-7/Babur land-attack cruise missiles, which were developed in response to events in India, and assisted by the recovery of two nearly intact Tomahawks in southern Pakistan in 1998. Work began in the 1990s and serial production commenced in October 2005.
Launched by a solid fuel rocket booster, the Babur is powered by a turbojet engine giving a speed of Mach .8. Guidance is via a combination of INS/terrain contour matching and GPS. The weapon can be launched from land, sea or submarines. Strike range is 500-700 km.
Pakistan’s National Engineering and Scientific Commission (NESCOM) has also developed the Ra’ad/Hatf 8 air-launched cruise missile. It is not an air-launched version of Babur but a new design capable of carrying nuclear or conventional warheads. The first announced test launch took place in August 2007 aboard a Mirage IIIEA, with several test firings taking place over the next three years. Range is estimated to be around 350 km, against land and ship targets. Guidance is believed to be via GPS and infrared using terrain matching techniques.


China is a big cruise missile user - its preoccupation with such weapons reflecting its earlier lack of aircraft capable of penetrating enemy air defences. It has prioritised land-based cruise and ballistic missile programmes and is expanding its stocks, developing dozens of models for both domestic use and export.
In 1985 China tested the X-600 turbojet powered cruise missile, which evolved into the turbofan-powered Hong Niao-1 (HN-1), development of which began in 1988. This later evolved into the longer-range (1 500 km) HN-2, which was believed to have been tested in 1995 or 1997. The Hong Niao-3 (HN-3) is thought to be a stealthier, more accurate HN-2 model with a range of 2 500 km. It was successfully tested in August 2004 and later entered service with the People’s Liberation Army. China is working on the Hong Niao-2000 (HN-2000) next generation cruise missile, apparently equipped with advanced navigation technologies for pinpoint accuracy (1-3 metres). The missile will feature stealth technologies, a supersonic terminal flight phase and a range of several thousand kilometres.
The DongHai 10 (DH-10)/ChangJian-10 (CJ-10) land attack cruise missile made its public debut in October 2009. Developed by the China Aerospace Science and Industry Corporation (CASIC), it is a conventional or nuclear land attack cruise missile with integrated inertial navigation system, GPS and terrain contour and scene mapping guidance. Range may be around 4 000 km. It is believed that several hundred have been deployed, but very little is known about this important weapon system.
China has a long history of local cruise missile development, particularly with regard to anti-ship weapons. In 1959 the Soviet Union supplied China with P-15/SS-N-2 Styx missiles, which were manufactured under license as the SY-1/CSS-N-1 Scrubbrush. In the 1960s China developed the missile into the Hai Ying-1 (HY-1/CSSC-2 Silkworm/CSS-N-2 Safflower) and later the improved HY-2/C-201/CSSC-3 Seersucker. From this family emerged the turbojet-powered HY-4/CSSC-7 Sadsack and air-launched YJ-6/C-601/CAS-1 Kraken. The YJ-61/C-611 is an upgraded, extended range version, which entered service in 1990. China also produced the HY-3/C-301/CSSC-6 Sawhorse and YJ-16/C-101/CSSC-5 Saples missiles. The latter had, by 2005 been replaced by the C-801 and C-802.
China developed the YJ-6 into the KD-63 (Kong Di-63)/YJ-63 air-launched cruise missile, which emerged into open view in 2005. It was most likely the first indigenous long-range airborne standoff weapon to be fielded by the People’s Liberation Army Air Force and incorporated systems such as electro-optical seeker and datalink.
The C-801/C-802 series of missiles, developed in the 1980s, are some of the most important in China’s anti-ship cruise missile arsenal. The YJ-1/YJ-8/C-801 was approved for service in 1987 as a surface-launched anti-ship missile (CSS-N-4 Sardine). The subsonic missile has a range of 45 km while the YJ-81 version has a range of 80 km.
The anti-ship YJ-2/YJ-82 (C-802)/CSSC-8/CSS-N-8 Saccade was first seen in 1989 and is based on the YJ-1/C-801 but replaced the solid propellant rocket with a turbojet. Believed to have entered service in 1994, the YJ-2 has a 165 kg warhead and a range of 130 km. Improved versions are the YJ-21 (180 km range) and YJ-22 (400 km range). The recently unveiled C-802AKG air-launched weapon has a range of 220-250 km.
The YJ-83 (C-803) is a more modern supersonic version of the YJ-82, apparently having a range of 150-250 km. It can be launched from the air, ships and submarine torpedo tubes. JH-7 aircraft equipped with the YJ-83 provides China with a power-projection capability of more than 1 900 km – more than enough to cross the Taiwan Strait.
The KongDi-88 (KD-88) air-launched land attack cruise missile was developed from the C-802 family and unveiled in 2006 under the export designation C-802KD. Powered by a turbojet engine, the missile can deliver a 164 kg warhead at Mach .9 over a distance of around 180-200 km.
Some of China’s other cruise missiles include the C-701, C-704, C-705 and turbojet-powered YJ-62 (C-602). This has a reported range of 280 km, a cruise altitude of 30 m and a 300 kg warhead. It debuted in public in 2006 and, although an anti-ship missile, has a land attack capability as well.
In addition to developing its own weapons, China has a number of Russian cruise missiles in service, including the 600 km range Kh-65SE and Kh-41 Moskit (SS-N-22 Sunburn) supersonic sea-skimming anti-ship cruise missile, which has a range of 250 km. The Moskits were procured together with the two Sovremenny destroyers purchased from Russia. In addition, the 3M-54 Club (SS-N-27 Sizzler) is placed on China’s Kilo-class submarines. Ukraine apparently exported 3 000 km range nuclear capable Kh-55 (AS-15 Kent) missiles to China.


Taiwan faces what is probably the most severe land attack cruise missile threat of any country, with hundreds of Chinese cruise weapons pointed at it. For its part, Taiwan possesses the Wan Chien air-launched conventional land attack cruise missile, which was developed in response to the 1996 Taiwan Strait crisis. The 240 km range turbojet-powered missile can be used against both ground and ship targets and launched from the air. Mass production will start in around 2014.
Wan Chien is one of a number of indigenous weapons systems, including the Tien Chien IIA anti-radiation missile and Hsiung Feng series of anti-ship missiles. Starting with the Hsiung Feng I, Taiwan developed the 80-160 km range turbojet-powered Hsiung Feng 2, which entered service in the early 1990s. The Hsiung Feng 3 is a ramjet-powered supersonic cruise missile aimed at ship and land-based targets. The ramjet powered weapon gives a speed of around Mach 2.5 while cruising at between 20 and 200 metres altitude. The +/- 150 km range missile has been in development since 1995 and is believed to have entered service in 2008.
Development of the Hsiung Feng 2E (HF-2E) ground-launched conventional land attack missile was first reported in 2001 and production confirmed in late 2010, with several hundred being planned to be built. The missile has a range of 600+ km and is reportedly powered by a turbofan, and carries a 500 kg warhead. Guidance is thought to be through INS, GPS and terrain matching with imaging infrared terminal guidance.


Japan has developed several indigenous cruise missiles, starting in the 1970s with the air-launched ASM-1 (Type 80) anti-ship weapon. It entered service with the Japan Air Self Defence Force in 1982 and is powered by a solid rocket/turbojet, giving a range of 50 km. The ASM-1 was developed into the ASM-1C (Type 91), which is lighter and has an extended 65 km range. It entered service in 1994. The ground-launched version is designated SSM-1 (Type 88) while the ship-launched variant is called the SSM-1B (Type 90). The ASM-1 series has been supplemented by the newer ASM-2 (Type 93), in production from 1993, which features a turbojet engine and new imaging infrared seeker. This air-launched cruise missile has a 150 kg or 225 kg warhead and a maximum range of 100 km. The Type 96 variant features various upgrades and entered service in 1997.
Mitsubishi Heavy Industries is developing the stealthy ASM-3/SSM-2 as a successor to the ASM-2 and SSM-1 for use against ship and land targets. The new missile has a solid rocket propellant/ramjet motor and a range of more than 200 km. It reportedly has dual-mode imaging infrared and active radar seekers.


Due to American restrictions limiting the production of its own ballistic missiles, South Korea has placed a heavy emphasis on developing long-range cruise missiles to defend against its northern neighbour. In the late 1990s South Korea began developing the ASM/SSM-700K Hae Seong ground, ship, air and submarine-launched anti-ship missile. The turbojet-powered weapon was ordered into production in 2006, with an initial order for 100 for deployment aboard KDX-II and KDX-III destroyers. The Hae Seong has a range of around 150 km.
In October 2006 South Korea first test fired a new land attack cruise missile designated Hyunmoo 3 (ground launch) and Cheon Ryong (for maritime deployment). Designed by the Agency for Defence Development, it had an initial range of 500 km, but the Hyunmoo 3B has a range of 1 000 km and the Hyunmoo 3C a range of 1 500 km, enabling it to target all of North Korea’s territory. The subsonic, turbofan-powered missile has a payload of 500 kg, with terrain matching/inertial/GPS guidance. Production began in 2009, with deployment along the borders and on KDX-3 destroyers.
In December last year Korean media reported that the government had set aside 388 billion won (US$343 million) to buy 177 stealthy standoff cruise missiles and will this year select between the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM) and Germany’s Taurus, for use aboard its F-15Ks and F-16Ks. Seoul could deploy the first weapons in late 2013.
North Korea has a varied cruise missile capability but its anti-ship cruise missile arsenal is not a great threat to South Korea’s navy as it mainly comprises of several Styx variants, including the land-based SSC-2B Samlet and HY-1/CSSC-2 Silkworm or HY-2/CSSC-3 Seersucker. Pyongyang has the ability to produce the HY-2 as well as the locally developed, extended range AG-1.


Under Air 5418 Phase 1 Australia is purchasing Lockheed Martin’s AGM-158 Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile and in March 2006 selected the JASSM to equip the Royal Australian Air Force’s F/A-18 Hornets, after eliminating the Boeing AGM-84H/K Stand-Off Land Attack Missile – Expanded Response (SLAM-ER) and Taurus KEPD 350.
The JASSM is a stealthy standoff cruise missile being developed for the US Air Force. Although development began in 1995, service entry was delayed until 2009 due to several failures during testing, notably because of problems with the GPS guidance system. The AGM-158A is powered by a Teledyne CAE J402 turbojet, giving a subsonic cruising speed and a range of 370 km (230 miles). Guidance is via inertial navigation with GPS updates, with target recognition and terminal homing via an imaging infrared seeker. Thanks to a datalink, it can strike relocatable targets. The warhead is a WDU-42/B 450 kg penetrator. Netherlands and Finland have also selected the JASSM.
A number of other nations in the Asia-Pacific have invested in cruise missile capabilities, but are limited to anti-ship weapons. Bangladesh, Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam all have anti-ship cruise missiles, including the C-801, C-802, AGM-84 Harpoon, HY-2, Exocet, Gabriel, Kh-31, Kh-35, Kh-41 and Kh-59.

why the Agni-V falls short

Now that the celebrations are over, it’s time for the hangover. Okay, let’s get this straight – India’s brand spanking new Agni-V is not an inter-continental ballistic missile (ICBM). I’m not making this up – by definition a true ICBM must have a range that’s over 5500 kilometre. India’s latest Agni falls well short of that mark. Definitions cannot be tweaked at the whim of politicians or flacks, which brings us to the ominous conclusion that India does not have an ICBM today and won’t have one in the near future.

I’m not suggesting that the Agni-V is a dud. The missile, in fact, plugs a big gap in India’s defence. But first chew on this: in 1971 China test fired the Dong Feng-5 missile that had a range of over 12,000. So 40 years after living under the shadow of the DF-5, India’s political leadership has finally greenlighted a missile that can hit China’s coastal areas – its economic and demographic heartland. Should we be thankful to New Delhi for a missile that is really an extended intermediate range ballistic missile (IRBM) that’s four decades late? Or should we ponder if our political elites have any grasp of strategy?

Going ballistic over a missile

India’s strategic community and the military have been clamouring for decades that to have bullet-proof security, India needs an ICBM that can reach every major country on the planet; that is, a missile with a range of at least 12,000 kilometre. 

Now there are many people on the other side of the debate who question whether ICBMs are such a big deal. Their reasoning is that India’s furthest rival is China so there’s no need for a missile that travels further than that country. Plus, they argue, the US and Europe aren’t inimical to India so why provoke their ire by developing missiles that could potentially target these benign fellows?

Such thinking ignores a basic precept of defence – a nation must forever wage peace but keep its powder dry. ICBMs are strategic weapons and without a global-range missile, India will be unable to break out of its regional context. It’s as simple as that.

The ICBM is the doomsday weapon that separates the men from the boys in the global slugfest. While it is true that economic strength plays a key role in shaping international power equations, strategic missiles alone can guarantee fail-safe national security. As the Federation of American Scientists says, “Regardless of the origin of a conflict, a country may involve the entire world simply by threatening to spread the war with an ICBM.”

The supposedly horrendous cost of building and maintaining ICBMs is also touted as a reason why nations should avoid them. However, for decades China has strutted on the global stage on the strength of just 20 silo-based ICBMs. Today, of course, it has nuclear armed submarines and road mobile ICBMs, but those 20 venerable missiles have given it strategic parity with the US and Russia who both possess hundreds of missiles.

Clearly, strategic missiles are one reason (the other being the permanent seat at the UN Security Council) why regional chipmunks like France and Britain continue to talk big whereas Germany and Japan despite their massive economies remain fringe players. Without a credible ICBM force, India will be looked upon as nothing more than a subcontinental bully – a country that aspires to play hardball with the giants but ends up relegated to the minor league.

Stunted development

The problem with India’s missile development programme is that there is no clear strategic policy or urgency regarding deployment. India is the only country in the world that has developed a range of missiles but which remain either on the drawing board or have got stuck at the demo stage.

In the case of virtually every Agni series missile, after a couple of tests the Defence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO) declared that development was complete. The impression conveyed was the missile was ready to be handed over to the army. But then the DRDO went in for an improved version, for the cycle to begin all over again.

Missiles need to be tested dozens of times under all sorts of operational conditions to validate their performance and reliability. Take the Agni-IV, which failed its first test in December 2010. This missile was not tested again until November 15, 2011.

It’s as if the scientists are sent on a long holiday after each launch. This is not how von Braun or Sergei Korolyov worked to build strategic missiles for the US and Russia. This approach will not ensure the reliability of India's missile force, but it drives many Indians, well, ballistic.

5000 kilometre red line

Who knows, perhaps the scientists are indeed being sent on extended holidays. The chief reason why India’s ICBM development has proceeded at the speed of snails is intense American pressure. According to the Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi, in the late 1990s India had to postpone the Agni test flights on more than one occasion under US influence.

It is also well-known that back in 1992 the US had asked President Boris Yeltsin to stop the transfer of Russian cryogenic engines although the complex cryogenic technology is of little use in ballistic missiles.

There are two reasons why the US wants to scuttle India’s ICBM plans – one, America’s hopelessly inadequate (some say unworkable) missile defence systems will have the additional task of monitoring Indian ICBMs. Secondly, plain arrogance – a former Cold War opponent shouldn’t be allowed to develop missiles that could target good ole American folks. America has, therefore, drawn a red line that it will not tolerate India crossing, and that line is the 5000 kilometre mark.

It is in this backdrop that the Chinese, despite their usually shrill rhetoric, were right when last week they claimed that under NATO pressure India had limited the Agni’s range.

Under the sea, under-powered

The same goes for India's nuclear submarine under construction. The Arihant, which will be launched in a couple of years, will also be hampered by the 700 kilometre range of its submarine launched ballistic missile (SLBM).

By its very definition a nuclear-powered, nuclear-armed submarine must be undetectable and strike from unpredictable ranges. It could be lurking in the South Pacific, for instance, and yet be able to launch a missile at New York, London or Beijing, or all three at the same time. However, armed with a short range IRBM, the Arihant will have to get up close – and vulnerable – to the enemy to launch its missiles.

No other country in the world has developed such a short-range SLBM; if India has a new nuclear doctrine we’d like to know what it is. At any rate, after pouring in billions into the nuclear submarine programme, that’s very little bang for the buck.

Missile mislabelling

So why is everyone calling it an ICBM? Two reasons: recently the spat with the army chief has exposed the Indian leaders as irresponsible wimps who have seriously hampered the army’s war fighting capacity. (Where else on the planet can you find an army with a million troops, but with ammunition barely enough for four days of fighting?)

So the political leadership is hoping the Agni-5 with an ‘ICBM’ tag will distract voters long enough so they forget how the same politicians have been eroding India’s combat readiness. MBAs couldn’t have done a better marketing job.

The second reason is that the majority of the Indian public doesn’t care about geopolitical matters. According to a survey conducted by the Delhi-based Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in 1999 – only one year after the Pokhran atomic tests – 53.5% of India's electorate had never even heard of the nuclear tests. Moreover, 35.6 percent of the respondents had never heard of China, India’s leading rival.

The last reason is that the media, whose job is to inform is itself misinformed. Barring a few exceptions, the Indian media is ignorant of defence matters. Many of the defence correspondents are chest-thumping stenographers of the government. Take this amateurish drivel from NDTV a day after the test: “Tipped to be a game changer, Agni-V will make the world fear India.”

You get the picture.

No stopping now?
If there’s some good news it is that missile development has an irresistible momentum of its own. The DRDO insists it won’t cap the missile programme, and is reportedly developing the 16,000 kilometre Surya ICBM, an anti-satellite missile, a reusable heavy lift rocket and a hypersonic aircraft among others.

Bharat Karnad, one of the authors of India’s 1999 draft nuclear doctrine, told Arms Control Today: “The technological momentum driving the Indian missile programme is going to take it well beyond the 5,000 kilometre range Agni-5 and into producing genuine ICBM category delivery systems, if only to match China.” And he added, “Longer range, more accurate missiles will be developed by India as a technological imperative.”

One can’t but detect a trace of desperation in Karnad’s statement. He and other members of India’s strategic community have long voiced such opinions in the hope that the Indian public will demand more urgency and accountability from the political leadership.

Thursday, April 26, 2012

F-15E Turkey Shoot

F-15E Strike Eagles of the 4th Fighter Wing perform an "Elephant Walk" as they taxi down the runway during a Turkey Shoot training mission on Seymour Johnson Air Force Base, N.C., April 16, 2012. The wing generated nearly 70 aircraft to destroy more than 1,000 targets on bombing ranges across the state to commemorate the 4th's victory over the Luftwaffe, April 16, 1945. The aircrews are assigned to the 4th Fighter Wing's 333rd, 334th, 335th, and 336th Fighter Squadrons. (U.S. Air Force Photo/Staff Sgt. Elizabeth Rissmiller)

Iran Begins Cloning RQ-170 Announcement

Bramdagh Bugti- The Master-mind of killing Mir Bakhtayar Domki's Wife

The Bharati government has sponsored terror in Balochistan for decades. Solid proof of Delhi’s involvement Anti-Pakistan terror comes from the fact that is has given Bramdagh Bugti an Indian Passport for travel purposes.

Pakistani government has asked the Swiss authorities to reject the plea for political asylum made by Bramdagh Bugti, who heads an outlawed Baloch terrorist group, and extradite him to Pakistan. The Swiss government was that of considering the request.
Bugti, 30, heads the terrorist outfit call the “
Baloch Republican Party.” Bugti has been responsible for attacks against third generation of folks that live in Balochistan. His terror group routinely blows up gas pipelines, government installations and armed forces. Pakistan has handed over the ‘proof’ of his involvement in subversive activities.
Bramdagh Bugti has been on the run since 2006 and at first took refuge in Afghanistan. He stayed in Kabul in the heyday of the Bharati presence there. He directed terror against Pakistan for almost four years from his plush home in Kabul. His stay however a bone of contention with the Karzai government was and almost halted all cooperation with Afghanistan. Bugti’s presence in Afghanistan sparked a diplomatic row between Kabul and Islamabad.

The US and some European countries helped him to relocate to Switzerland. He has been there since October of last year to fortify his group and launch ploys against Pakistan. Conversely, feuding between ‘mari’ and ‘bugti’ tribe cannot be neglected as well due to strong intertribal/ intratribal differences. Recent killing of Mir Bakhtyar’s wife is so evidently executed by Bramdagh Bugti in order to become a successor of Nawab Akbar Bugti and to get ticket of asylum in Switzerland. As per various authentic sources, extra judicial killings and abductions are committed on the behest of Bramdagh Bugti with intent to defame Pakistan Army.

Myanmar Navy Received Two Chinese Type 053H1 Frigate

Two photos were posted indicating that China handed over two Type 053H1 frigates to Myanmar Navy. In the Myanmar Navy ships have hull numbers F21 and F23.

Frigates Type 053H1 Jianghu-2 (development of the Type 053H1 Jianghu-one - the modified MRS Soviet D.50) were built in China inthe years 1981-88 at the shipyard Hudong Shipyard in Shanghai.Results for the Chinese navy was built 10 of these ships, including one ship in 1989 sold to Bangladesh and was named F18 Osman. Also in the years 1984-85 were built two frigates for the Navy Type 053H1 Egypt (951 Najim Al-Zafir and 956 El Nasser).

Displacement, standard / full - 1565/1960 ton
Length - 103.22 m
Breadth - 10.83 m
Draft - 3.19 m
Powerplant - Two-shafted, two diesel 12E390VA (16,000 hp), 2 DG12PA6V280 BTC
Speed ​​- 25.5 knots
Range - 3,000 miles at a speed of 18 knots and 1750 miles at a speed of 25 knots
The crew - 195 people (including 30 officers)

2x2 launchers of SY-1 antiship missiles;
2x2 100-mm gun mounts Type 79A;
6x2 37-mm gun mounts Type 61 or Type 76;
2x5 240-mm ASW rocket launchers Type 81 (30 depth charge rockets RGB-12) or 2x6 ASW rocket launchers Type 3200 (36 depth charge rockets);
2 depth charge mortars Type 64;
2 depth charge racks

Wednesday, April 25, 2012

India successfully launches radar imaging spy satellite RISAT-1

India today successfully launched its first indigenous 'spy satellite' RISAT-1. The Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) carrying the radar imaging satellite lifted off from Sriharikota spaceport at 5.47 am this April morning.

RISAT-1 has day and night viewing capacity and will not be blinded by cloud cover. It will help in crop monitoring and flood forecasting. It gives India the ability of continuous surveillance. The all-weather surveillance tool is hence sometimes referred as a spy satellite in common parlance.

RISAT-1 carries a C-band Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) payload, operating in a multi-polarisation and multi-resolution mode and can provide provide images with coarse, fine and high spatial resolutions.Apart from RISAT-1, India already has another spy satellite RISAT-2 which was launched in 2009.

Tata to Pitch Trucks to Malaysian Armed Forces

New Delhi — Vehicles major Tata Motors announced Monday that it has signed a cooperation agreement with a Malaysian firm to develop, promote and market the Indian company's high mobility military trucks for the Malaysian armed forces.

"Tata Motors and DRB-HICOM Defence Technologies Sdn Bhd (Deftech), a wholly-owned subsidiary of DRB-HICOM Berhad, Malaysia, have signed a cooperation agreement to enable both Deftech and Tata Motors to develop, promote and market Tata Motors high mobility 4x4 trucks with payloads ranging from 2.5 tonnes to 5.0 tonnes for the armed forces of Malaysia," a Tata release said here.
In the initial stage, DEFTECH will be working on two of Tata Motors proven models -- LPTA 715 and LPTA 1623.

"These vehicles are suitable in various configurations including troop carriers, command post, ambulance, reconnaissance missions, as an armoured carrier communication shelter and others," the release said.
Tata Motors has been associated with the country's off-road defence and security forces since 1958 and has supplied over one lakh vehicles to the Indian military and paramilitary forces so far.
The company offers its products and services that not only meet the needs of the domestic market, but are also positioned to meet most stringent requirements across the world. Tata Motors exports its range of specialised defence vehicles to the South Asian, South East Asian and African regions.
Tata Motors also has multi-axle range such as 12x12, 8x8 and 6x6 trucks that it has started supplying to leading missile original equipment manufacturers across the world, the firm said.
The company is also a supplier of specialist vehicles for UN peacekeeping missions.

Pakistan tests intermediate range ballistic missile

Pakistan successfully test fired a nuclear-capable intermediate range ballistic missile on Wednesday, the military said, less than a week after India test launched a long range missile.

The exact range of the missile was not revealed, but retired General Talat Masood, a defence analyst, told AFP it would be able to hit targets up to 2,500 to 3,000 kilometres (1,550 to 1,850 miles) away -- putting arch-rival India well within reach.

On Thursday India test fired its long range Agni V missile, which can deliver a one-tonne nuclear warhead anywhere in China.

"Pakistan today successfully conducted the launch of the intermediate range ballistic missile Hatf IV Shaheen-1A weapon system," the military said in a statement.

India and Pakistan -- which have fought three wars since independence from Britain in 1947 -- have routinely carried out missile tests since both demonstrated nuclear weapons capability in 1998.

Pakistan's last missile test came last month with the launch of the short-range nuclear-capable Abdali.

Wednesday's missile, which landed in the sea, was a version of the Shaheen-1 with improvements in range and technical parameters, the military said, and can carry nuclear and conventional warheads.

Director General Strategic Plans Division Lieutenant General Khalid Ahmed Kidwai congratulated scientists and engineers on the successful launch, and the accuracy of the missile in reaching the target.

He said the improved version of Shaheen 1A will further consolidate and strengthen Pakistan's deterrence abilities.

Pakistan's arsenal includes short, medium and long range missiles named after Muslim conquerors.

The neighbours were on the brink of nuclear conflict in 2002 over the disputed territory of Kashmir, but a slow-moving peace dialogue resumed last March after a three-year suspension following the November 2008 Mumbai attacks.

India and the United States blamed the attacks on Pakistani militant group Lashkar-e-Taiba and Islamabad later admitted that the assault was at least partly planned in Pakistan.

One U.S. Air Force Airman shared his knowledge of heavy equipment airdrop procedures with an audience of more than 20 Bangladesh air force airmen at Kurmitola Air Base, Bangladesh,

KURMITOLA AIR BASE, Bangladesh | One U.S. Air Force Airman shared his knowledge of heavy equipment airdrop procedures with an audience of more than 20 Bangladesh air force airmen at Kurmitola Air Base, Bangladesh, April 22, 2012.
Tech. Sgt. Joshua Shelby, loadmaster, Kentucky Air National Guard, is one of more than 65 U.S. Air Force Airmen participating in Cope South 2012, a bilateral tactical airlift exercise conducted with the Bangladesh and U.S. Air Forces.
This year, Cope South participants exchange airlift, air-land, and airdrop delivery techniques, and develop and expand combined airlift capabilities with the Bangladesh air force.
Shelby shared the effect of air speed, altitude and wind speeds on parachutes upon deployment of a C-130 and other conditions to consider when conducting an air drop.
"The Bangladesh air force may be able to integrate some of our procedures into theirs," Shelby said. "This exchanges allows us to share our capabilities, discuss different methods and demonstrate how to do everything safely."
Safety and terrain maneuvering are paramount issues for the Bangladesh air force.
"In our country, we practice more with paratroopers," Maj. Arman Chokldhuvy, squadron commander . "We want to experience how the U.S. Air Force flies in our terrain and use it to help guide us to be safer in low-level flying during airdrops and deliveries."
In this exchange of learning, the major said he hopes his team learns different airdrop procedures and identify possible improvements to their procedures.
"We're expecting to learn different flying techniques and aspects of flight to assist us with delivering heavy loads for disaster management missions," he added.
The exchanges will enhance Bangladesh and U.S. Air Forces ability to respond to regional disasters.
Throughout the six-day exercise, participants are scheduled to conduct cooperative flight operations, to include aircraft generation and recovery, low-level navigation, tactical airdrop and air-land missions as well as conduct subject-matter expert exchanges in the operations, maintenance and rigging disciplines.

Pakistan Navy gets first fast attack craft - PNS Azmat

PNS Azmat, Pakistan's first Fast Attack Craft (Missile), was commissioned in Pakistan Navy

A ceremony in this regard was held at the Xingang Shipyard, China. Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Asif Sandila was the chief guest on the occasion. According to an official statement, the chief guest lauded the commissioning of the craft in Pakistan Navy as yet another achievement of the experts working on development of navy’s capabilities. Acknowledging the efforts of Chinese engineers and technicians for construction of FAC (M), the chief guest congratulated the China Shipbuilding and Offshore International Company (CSOC) and Xingang Shipyard for their full cooperation and commitment in commissioning of the craft as per schedule. The achievement was yet another example of Pak-China cooperation, he said.

The naval chief said the project of missile craft construction represented a quantum leap not only in defence production in maritime sector of Pakistan but also addressed a longstanding operational requirement of the Pakistan Navy. The collaboration in the project would open new avenues that would be milestones in defence cooperation between China and Pakistan. The naval chief emphasised that the induction of missile craft would not only supplement Pakistan Navy’s combat potential but would also afford the force an opportunity to distinctly uphold its forward presence in important areas, contributing to balance the power equation in the region. PNS AZMAT is the first of AZMAT Class Fast Attack Craft (Missile). The contract for construction of two fast attack craft (missile) was signed on the basis of Transfer of Technology (ToT).

The first craft was to be built in China and the second at the Karachi Shipyard and Engineering Works (KSEW). The vessel being built in Karachi is equipped with state-of-the-art weapons and sensors, including surface-to-surface missiles and stealth features.

North Korea is ready to nuclear testing

North Korea everything is ready to carry out further nuclear tests, said the spokesman for the Defense Ministry of South Korea.
 We have information indicating that all preparations have already ended. What is missing is the political decision making , "said the spokesman.

Friday, April 20, 2012

Strengths and Weaknesses of India’s Homeland Security

India has faced numerous external as well as internal threats to its national security throughout the country’s entire history and had to constantly adapt to these challenges. The recent killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan and its impact on Pakistani politics, as well as the region’s overall security situation, will possibly also affect India. And the deep wounds that the Mumbai attacks inflicted in November 2008 are still painfully felt.

Nicolas von Kospoth of talked to the Mentor of Security Watch India (SWI), Mr Maroof Raza*, about the challenges for India’s homeland security environment and the approach of government and industry to finding solutions that meet the country’s security requirements.

Focusing on the entire scope of government organisations, industry, as well as India’s civil society, SWI is well-positioned to address issues concerning Indian internal/homeland security. The New Delhi-based independent, non-profit organisation engages in dialogue with all stake holders, research and publications for the public and the industry, and supports international companies that seek to enter the Indian homeland security sector. Mr Raza, many countries in the world are currently facing a terrorist threat. Which aspects of the Indian experience in this regard are similar to other countries, and which are unique?

Maroof Raza: Primarily, the external threat to India is from Pakistan-based terrorist groups – almost all of whom have the support of Pakistan’s military and intelligence agencies – and some of them have entered, or soon will enter, the vacuum created by the decline of Al Qaeda. Today, it is India and even Pakistan that is their target; tomorrow, it’ll be the rest of the world. Their aim is to challenge the multicultural and democratic ‘way of life’ that free societies offer, whether in India or in the West. Moreover, they target India’s economic success out of envy and with the aim to build sleeper cells to assist them amongst local Indian Muslim groups, just as they do in the West (for example in the UK). Decentralised terrorist groups with AfPak experience, pirates off the coast, Naxalite-Maoist insurgency in the East: Which are the current “hotspots” in the Indian homeland security environment and how is the government positioned to deal with this variety of threats?

Raza: They are all of concern to the Indian government, but fortunately India has the forces and the resources to cope with most of them. Though, it could certainly do with more men in uniform and technology that will act as force multipliers. While the Naxalite-Maoist threat is the biggest in sheer size of their spread (spread as it is, across most of Central India in varying shades of lethality), it is still manageable if the government can provide better governance and more efficient police forces.

Though the threat from cross-border terror groups based in Pakistan is far more lethal, the current government has shown it’s helplessness in dealing firmly with Pakistan, as Dr Manmohan Singh, the Indian PM, seems to be working on a personal agenda of appeasing the Pakistanis; though there have been no results, as Pakistan’s military needs strained relations with India to justify its overbearing role within Pakistan.

The insurgency in India’s northeast remains a low key affair and is essentially a side show, as it doesn’t quite impact India’s industrial growth. The army has contained the north eastern insurgency for over 50 years now, and the need is once again to find political solutions. As for pirates off the African coast, the Indian navy has been dealing aggressively with the pirates, when required. India is a very colourful country in terms of cultures and religions. How do you assess the internal conflict potential and its possible affect of the future homeland security situation?

Raza: Fortunately, or unfortunately, India has too many ethno-religious and social divisions that can be exploited by malignant elements to create internal conflicts. Moreover, the rapid growth of the Indian economy has created further pockets of resentment by dividing the society between wealthy and poor. Until this gap is narrowed to a satisfactory level, risks of internal conflicts within the country will persist. What was your personal reaction to the news of Osama bin Laden’s death and the announcement that he has been living safely for months, if not years, in the heart of Pakistan?

Raza: I wasn’t surprised at all, and many of us had said so for years that he and much of the Al Qaeda’s top leadership were in Pakistan. It is Pakistan’s many supporters in the US and elsewhere who should’ve been surprised. Pakistan had been stringing the US along all these years, and this must come as a wakeup call. Just as the US eventually called Pakistan’s bluff over bin Laden, it must now call the bluff of the Pakistani army about the ‘jihadi’ threat on the security of its nuclear arsenal. Pakistan needs to be re-invented by the world, and only that’ll put an end to its deadly embrace of terror. Which security-political impact does this event have for the relations between India and Pakistan? Does it change the awareness of terrorist threats to India that may originate from Afghan and Pakistani territory?

Raza: The killing of bin Laden will have an impact on Indo-Pak relations in the following areas: First, there will possibly be greater instability within Pakistan, with local terror networks blaming the Pakistani army for failing them against the US. Second, Pakistan’s army will increase their anti-India pitch or arrange another Mumbai-type terror attack to divert the public’s disappointment with them. Finally, there might be greater political opposition within India to Prime Minister Dr Singh’s policy of holding talks with the discredited and unstable Pakistani government. Do you believe that India should tackle the terrorist threat as a police problem or, rather, a military one?

Raza: It has to be a combination of both: using the police and the armed forces. The police must be better equipped with their capabilities enhanced and expanded to cover all the possibilities that terrorists create. Currently, the Indian police are woefully short of the numbers that the new challenges would require. Further, their levels of capabilities differ, as they are a de-centralised force, controlled individually by each State government.

The armed forces are centralised, battle-hardened and with sufficient experience and capabilities to handle all the possible threats that India could face. But they are already quite stretched in terms of men and resources. What is the role of the Pakistani government and authorities in the still unrelenting Islamic terrorism and what is the current perception in India of this possible link?

Raza: In recent years, the Pakistani government’s link to terrorism has become very complicated. The way to understand the situation is to try and not see Pakistan as a monolith structure dictated by a unified government, but a fractured collection of several interest groups and organisations.

There are multiple terrorist organisations and insurgent groups active within the borders of Pakistan and they find patronage from very different socio-political groups. Therefore, it is very difficult to shut down these groups merely by putting pressure on the very top of the government. A more extensive engagement that cuts across the entire hierarchy is necessary. What is your assessment of the anti-terrorist measures and policies being implemented by the Indian government after the Mumbai attack?

Raza: The counter-terrorism measures have evolved to a great extent after the Mumbai attack, which served as a jolt to bring India out of its inertia. However, the security establishment still has a long way to go. Unfortunately, much of the efforts undertaken by the government are still reactive. There is far more focus on mitigation and post-incident investigation, while the efforts required to avert attacks still need more push. Do you perceive a learning curve in homeland security-related authorities since 2008? What have been the key lessons learned during these last years regarding the threat of terror attacks in India?

Raza: Unfortunately, due to the federated structure of the Indian government and the lack of effective channels for knowledge-sharing, most of the homeland security agencies – primarily state police departments which are the first line of counter-terrorism – have their own learning curves. Thus, police departments like the ones in Delhi and Mumbai have evolved tremendously, now developing rapid response teams, state-of-the-art technology and practices, correct application of intelligence, etc. On the other hand, many state police departments still lack critical technologies or practices that have become norms in other parts of the country. In what way has the Indian homeland security environment evolved since the Mumbai attack? What has been the specific affect of this particular event on the industrial landscape, as well as government spending and investment?

Raza: The Mumbai attack has expanded both the threat perception and the threat domain for India. The Indian government’s spending after the Mumbai attack has been increased tremendously, representing a more than 30 per cent cumulative increase in the central Ministry of Home Affairs (primary agency responsible for homeland/internal security) budget over the last three years. Similarly, the landscape for industries has been transformed as well. While until 2008 most of the major Indian corporations only saw defence as a viable market, almost all major Indian conglomerates and aerospace and defence companies are now involved within the homeland security market. SWI supports national industry in the homeland security sector by providing counsel and promoting business opportunities. How well is Indian industry positioned to meet domestic requirements and how important is the contribution by foreign companies in terms of know-how, investment and overall solutions?

Raza: India’s industry has its own merits and weaknesses. On one hand, the Indian industry is renowned for its ingenuity and engineering capabilities. The cheap cost of manufacturing makes India competitive in the global market. Moreover, India’s portfolio of diplomatic relationships with the world is somewhat different from the US and many European countries. This allows Indian companies to make inroads in many markets that would be difficult for western companies to penetrate.

On the other hand, Indian industry lacks in high technology, having ignored this sector for many decades. It also lacks much of the tremendous capital that is required to invest in R&D or manufacturing and often accompanies activities in the homeland security business.

Overall, though, we believe that these strengths and weakness perfectly complement that of Western industry and it is for this reason that we tirelessly work to bring the two together and allow for a perfect match.


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